By Christian Montès
While all nation capitals have a few features in common—as symbols of the nation, as embodiments of political energy and determination making, as public areas with inner most interests—Montès doesn't interpret them via a unmarried lens, largely due to the ameliorations of their spatial and old evolutionary styles. a few have remained small, whereas others have advanced into bustling metropolises, and Montès explores the dynamics of swap and progress. All yet 11 country capitals have been confirmed within the 19th century, thirty-five earlier than 1861, yet, fairly astonishingly, in simple terms 8 of the fifty states have maintained their unique capitals. regardless of their respected prestige because the so much huge and ancient towns in the USA, capitals come from unusually humble beginnings, frequently stricken by instability, clash, hostility, and corruption. Montès reminds us of the interval within which they happened, “an period of pioneer and idealized territorial vision,” coupled with a still-evolving American citizenry and democracy.
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Additional resources for American Capitals: A Historical Geography
The State of New York is rich, and can aﬀord to have a decent Capitol. One that shall fairly meet her wants, and correspond with her rank and power. , Annapolis, Montgomery, Jackson, Augusta, Springﬁeld (on a slope), Austin, Albany, Denver, Olympia, Nashville, Salt Lake City, Harrisburg, and Hartford; see ﬁg. They are also often situated in the center of the city, as in Raleigh, Columbus, Carson City, Concord, Lansing, Pierre, and Madison, and more rarely outside the city (Bismarck). 4 A capitol upon the Hill, Hartford, Connecticut.
Pierre, South Dakota, though it is one of the smallest capitals, is very spread out and lacks a clear plat. This is the result of rivalry between speculators: one group was located north of the railroad, on the highest point, and the other preferred the south, so that the town expanded between the two areas (WWP South Dakota 1952, 129). Likewise, the plat of Denver, Colorado, lacks a central focus, parks, and civic spaces, being the result of ﬁve initial competing townsite companies (Reps 1981, 61).
New buildings ﬂank the capitols in Phoenix (1960s) and Tallahassee (1978), for state oﬃces as well as for associations and lobbyists. Nevada built a new capitol near the old one (in the 1970s, enlarged in the 1990s), the architecture of which supposedly retained the old characteristics. Although the simplicity of the old democratic functioning of the state tends to be reduced by those new capitol “complexes,” the social and symbolic meanings of the capitol still stand out. However, citizens mostly prefer inconspicuous—even if quite costly—modernization and addition processes, as in the case of Austin or Lansing.
American Capitals: A Historical Geography by Christian Montès