Read e-book online A Computational Phonology of Russian PDF

By Peter A. Chew

ISBN-10: 1581121784

ISBN-13: 9781581121780

This dissertation presents a coherent, synchronic, broad-coverage, generative phonology of Russian. I try the grammar empirically in a few how you can make sure its goodness of healthy to Russian. In taking this strategy, I target to prevent making untested (or even incoherent) generalizations according to just a handful of examples. typically, the exams exhibit that there are exceptions to the idea, yet at the very least we all know what the exceptions are, a baseline is decided opposed to which destiny theories should be measured, and ordinarily the share of outstanding circumstances is lowered to less than 5%. The vital theoretical results of the paintings are as follows. First, I convey that each one of the phonological or morphophonological procedures reviewed will be defined by way of a grammar not more strong than context-free. Secondly, i use probabilistic constraints within the syllable constitution grammar to give an explanation for why constraints on word-marginal onsets and codas are weaker than on word-internal onsets and codas. I argue that the positive factors [+/- preliminary] and [+/- final], and extraprosodicity, are pointless for this goal.

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B,i . zj’an} {bu . rj’an} Initial CCR, cf. {skr,ip} Final R, initial CR, cf. {slep} Initial CC, cf. {svet} Final R, initial C Final J, initial C Initial CR, cf. {slep} Final R, initial R Initial CJ, cf. {djak} Initial CJ, cf. {djak} Now consider clusters of the types CJ, RJ, and JC. Table 3 shows that CJ and RJ occur initially but not finally, and JC occurs finally but not initially. The SSG, of course, has an explanation for this: the segment-types C and R are lower in sonority than segment-type J, thus CJ and RJ rise in sonority, while JC falls in sonority.

P. 192) It seems, therefore, that the syllable is here to stay in linguistic theory, and in particular that an account of syllable structure is an essential part of a generative phonology of Russian. One aim of this chapter, therefore, is to put forward a specific grammar of Russian syllable structure as part of the overall phonology proposed in this dissertation. This grammar is explicit about what Russian syllables are; it does 37 ‘state its relations to the other elements of the phonological grammar’, as Fudge puts it, and because the theory is implemented computationally and tested for its coverage, a standard is set against which future proposals can be measured.

This offers an explanation in terms of syllable structure for the fact that glides and approximants can function as either consonants or vowels, a fact that was noted as early as Sievers (1881: 157). Clements (1990: 287) points out, however, that this principle is not without exception: for example, in US English yearn, the liquid (0) is the syllable peak: however, as it is preceded by a glide, it does not constitute a sonority peak. The sonority principle is also used to account for the phonotactic constraints that apply in onsets and codas: sonority must increase during syllable onsets, and decrease during syllable rimes.

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A Computational Phonology of Russian by Peter A. Chew


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